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Introduction
Islam is always a contentious issue in plural Malaysia. In recent years the push towards greater Islamisation by the Mahathir government is perceived by the followers of religions other than Islam as presenting the greatest obstacle to missionary endeavours. This paper seeks primarily to examine Christian missionary responses to Islamic resurgence and the ensuing situation of increasing religious intolerance. Such responses in turn bear upon the nature of and directions in Christian mission and evangelisation in Malaysia.
Historical Background
Before proceeding to a study of the contemporary situation it would be pertinent to start briefly with missionary beginnings in the past.
Introduction of Christianity
When
Christianity was first introduced in the Malay Peninsula almost
five hundred years ago by the Portuguese conquerors of the Malaccan
sultanate, Islam was already established as the religion of the
indigenous Malays. Indeed Malay society in all its political,
economic and cultural aspects had become totally islamised. The
arrogance with which the Portuguese went about seeking to convert
the “infidel” Malays to Christianity were construed
as yet another attempt by the Portuguese at subjugation. Islam
became the cohesive force holding Malaccan society against Portuguese
domination (Hall, 1968, p.213).
Three and a half centuries later the British appeared on the scene and with the signing of the Pangkor Treaty in 1874 gained political control over the Malay sultanates in the Peninsula. In return the British agreed not to interfere in matters of Malay custom and religion The British carried this policy of non-interference to the extent of vigorously opposing any attempts at evangelisation amongst the Malays by Christian missionaries even though there was no formal prohibition in this direction. There were no such reservations on the part of the British in as far as the other races were concerned. As a result of British policies, Islam became further entrenched as the sole religion of the Malays. By virtue of the fact that Malays are the largest ethnic group in the Peninsula, Islam became the dominant religion.
Across the South China Sea the British pursued a similar policy as regards the Malays of Sabah and Sarawak but the ethnic realities in the two territories denied Islam the dominance it commanded in the Malay Peninsula. The Malays were a minority in Sarawak and an even smaller group in Sabah outnumbered in both states by the Ibans and Kadazandusuns and other indigenous tribes.
From the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries Sabah and Sarawak were part of the Brunei Empire but, with the exception of the Malays, the Ibans, Kadazandusuns and the general native population were mostly untouched by the Islamic faith of their rulers. Eventually both Sabah and Sarawak became British colonies. Contrary to their earlier resistance to Islamic influence under Brunei rule, the Ibans and Kadazandusuns were not adverse to embracing the faith of their colonial masters and in time a significant proportion did convert to Christianity. The Malays, on the other hand, showed no such inclination. In any event, the British disapproved of any attempt by Christian missionaries to evangelise amongst the Malays. Today 9.1 per cent of the population in Malaysia are Christians of which 8 per cent are Ibans, Kadazandusuns and the other indigenous tribes of Sabah and Sarawak (The Star, Nov. 7, 2001).
Efforts of the Malaya Christian Council
By 1956 negotiations were underway for independence. A Commonwealth Commission with Lord Reid as Chairman was set up to draw up a constitution for independent Malaya. The key issues for Christians were religious freedom and the nature of the new state, whether Islamic or secular. A delegation from the Malaya Christian Council met the Reid Commission and presented a memorandum which called for religious freedom to be enshrined in the new constitution. Specifically the memorandum urged that all persons be equally entitled to freedom of conscience and have the right freely to choose, profess, practise and propagate any religion. The Malaya Christian Council defined religious freedom to include the right of Muslims to convert to Christianity. This was in spite of the fact that there had been virtually no Christian efforts thus far to evangelise amongst the Malays. As it turned out the Reid Commission eventually produced a draft constitution in March 1957 which was largely based on the memorandum submitted by the Alliance Party, a political party formed out of an “alliance” forged between a Malay party, a Chinese party and an Indian party in 1951. With minor changes this became the Malayan Constitution and later the Malaysian Constitution of today. (Ryan, 1971, p.248)
The Constitution declared Islam to be the religion of the new Federation and further permitted the passing of state laws to control or restrict the propagation of any religious doctrine or belief among Muslims. Other religions may, however, be practised in peace and harmony in any part of the Federation. Various state laws were promptly passed in 1959 which effectively forbade evangelism amongst Muslims. Thereafter the Malayan Christian Council’s affiliated churches have proceeded on the premise that evangelism amongst Muslims is legally prohibited.
Whilst Christians quickly understood the legal reality that they could not engage freely in evangelistic efforts especially in as far as Muslims were concerned, they failed to respond adequately to the underlying political realities of the situation. British policies of “protecting” Malays from Christian evangelism and the virtual lack of actual Christian efforts to evangelise amongst the Malays as well as the colonial practices of divide and rule in as far as the Malays, Chinese and Indian races were concerned had resulted in a general atmosphere of ethnic isolationism. In the days leading to independence communal solidarity was absolutely necessary as the various racial communities engaged in intense bargaining to come to some understanding on the rights and position of racial communities in the new federation. Christian evangelism threatened precisely that necessary solidarity especially among the Malays, (Hunt, 1991, p.213). The situation was further complicated by the face that the Malays as a race had become synonymous with Islam which provided the community with its communal and cultural identity. In these circumstances the efforts of the Malayan Christian Council to salvage the right to propagate Christianity and the right of Muslims to convert to Christianity seemed out of touch with political realities or were, in any event, a little too late.
Events leading to the formation of Malaysia
The issue of religious freedom again surfaced when the idea of forming a political association between Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak was first broached in the early sixties of the last century. In this instance, it was the main Borneo Christian groups which questioned the necessity of Islam as the national religion of Malaysia. The Christians feared that the proclamation of Islam as the national religion of Malaysia would jeopardise religious freedom, relegate Christians and other non-Muslims into second class citizens and create a political imbalance that would place two much power in the hands of the Muslim minorities of Sarawak and Sabah (Rooney, 1981, p.210).
Aware of these objections the Malayan Government sought to allay Christian fears and invited a delegation of representatives of all the main Borneo Christian groups to come to Singapore and Malaya and see for themselves that religious freedom was in truth practised. However, far from being reassured, the members of the delegation came home unconvinced that the religious rights of non-Muslims were properly guaranteed in Malaya.
One of the areas of concern pertained to the right to propagate the Christian religion and the right of Muslims to convert to Christianity. The delegation took note that such rights had been effectively nullified under the Constitution of Malaya. It was the position of the aboriginal tribes in Malaya that was viewed with grave perturbation by the members of the delegation. By the Malayan Constitution the Sakai, an aboriginal tribe, were made wards of the Sultans and placed under the administration of state officials known as Protectors of Aborigines. State laws permitted the Sakai to worship as Christians in their own homes but nowhere else and the Protectors of Aborigines had effective power and authority to restrict Christian evangelistic activities amongst the Sakai. The members of the delegation came away determined to avert the same fate from befalling upon the non-Muslim indigenous peoples of the Borneo territories. Joint Christian representatives were made to the Council Negeri Sarawak (State Legislative Assembly) to block the resolution that Islam be declared the national religion. The Council Negeri passed the resolution but took pains to assure the Christian leaders that religious freedom was adequately guaranteed under the proposed Constitution. In Sabah (then known as North Borneo) the State Constitution was amended to provide that Islam would be recognised as the national religion of Malaysia but not of the state of Sabah (ibid., pp 211 & 212).
The Constitution of Malaysia eventually did retain the original term of the Malayan Constitution and Islam was duly declared the religion of Malaysia. The constitutional provision permitting state law to control or restrict the propagation of any religious doctrine or belief amongst persons professing the Muslim religion was extended to the whole of Malaysia with a significant proviso attached. Sabah and Sarawak were at liberty to include in their constitutions provisions requiring a special majority of two-thirds of the total number of members of the respective state assemblies for the enactment of such legislation. Furthermore whilst the Yang di Pertuan Agong (Supreme Ruler) was the Head of the Muslim religion in those Malayan states which did not have a Malay sultan, Sabah and Sarawak were excluded from requiring to confer on the Yang di Pertuan Agong the position of Head of Muslim religion in their respective states.
From the foregoing it would appear that with Sabah and Sarawak coming together with Malaya to form Malaysia the significance of the constitutional proclamation of Islam as the religion of the new Federation was somewhat reduced (Groves, 1964, p.149). Whilst the Christians in Sabah and Sarawak did not succeed in obtaining all that they sought for, the outlook was not altogether bleak either.
The Sabah crisis
As the Church and State began to settle into an ostensibly harmonious relationship, events took place in Sabah, which changed the course of Christian mission in Malaysia.
In 1967 a new state government under the chief ministership of Datu Mustapha bin Datu Harun was sworn in. From the beginning Mustapha believed strongly that the Malay language and Islam should be used to unite the many indigenous peoples of Sabah and possibly all the peoples of Sabah. He embarked on a zealous path of religious activities that culminated in the establishment of the United Sabah Islamic Association (USIA) funded by the government and with the specific task of conversion. Mass conversion particularly in the rural areas became the norm and USIA claimed to have converted 45,000 people in the first two years of its existence (Roff, 1974, p.112). A number of prominent Christian leaders converted and rumours abounded that the Mustapha government was applying pressure and resorting to bribery to obtain converts to Islam (Rooney, 11981, p.213). It was a time of crisis for the Church but the most devastating blow came when Mustapha began to use his emergency powers summarily to expel expatriate Christian missionaries. The rationale given for asking the expatriate missionaries to leave was that there was no need for the people of Sabah to seek assistance and guidance from an outside source when such guidance could be obtained from within the state. The imperialist mentality and outlook should not be allowed to continue after independence, whether in relation to politics or religion (Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, 1977, p. 266). Mustapha went so far as to refuse a Sabah residence permit to the new Roman Catholic Bishop of Sabah, Peter Chung, a Malaysian citizen from the diocese of Miri in neighbouring Sarawak. Throughout his episcopate in Sabah Bishop Chung had to visit his diocese on a series of three-month visitor permits. It was difficult for Christians not to regard Mustapha’s actions as tantamount to persecution with a view to destroying the Catholic Church in Sabah (Rooney, 1981, p.217).
The sudden departure of the foreign missionaries left a vacuum in the Church leadership. Even finding a new Bishop took a long time since there was no suitable local candidate. Inspite of all these constraints the transition from foreign missionary to indigenous Church leadership was successfully accomplished with an urgency that may not have been found in easier circumstances. Though restrictions were imposed upon its missionary activities the Church in Sabah grew in stature and maturity. The laity assumed an active role as evidenced by the formation of the Sabah Catholic Religious Union, a state-wide organization of parish councils federated in 1971 (Chew, 2000, p. 216).
Perhaps the most profound impact of the Mustapha years on the Christian Church was in the area of church and state relations in Sabah in particular and in Malaysia generally. The Church was compelled to assume a confrontational role in its bid for survival amidst the intense campaign to win converts to Islam by the Mustapha government. Rooney reports that during this period “the Sabah Church has seldom been in a position when there was not at least one row with the government either simmering or on the boil.” (Rooney, 1981, p. 219) For the first time since the formation of Malaysia and in spite of Christian efforts to obtain constitutional safeguards to ensure religious freedom in Sabah, the atmosphere was marred by signs of religious intolerance and Christian – Muslim rivalry.
In 1975 Mustapha resigned as Chief Minister and the political party he headed was defeated in the state elections held in 1976. A new political party, Berjaya, under the leadership of Tun Mohamed Fuad, a prominent Christian politician who converted to Islam at the height of Mustapha’s power, took over the reins of government. Amongst the reasons advanced for the fall of the Mustapha government was the allegation that “behind the success of Berjaya many reasons were given but the churches played a very big part” (Tunku Abdul Rahman, 1977, p.270). The veracity of such allegations is not the immediate concern of this paper. However, the events in Sabah clearly attest to the need to avert even the most remote possibility of any faith in a plural society from treading the dangerous waters of political religion.
The Contemporary Situation
Islamisation policies of the Mahathir government: To some extent the Sabah episode marked the beginning of a distinct Islamic bias in the political, economic, legal, and cultural aspects of Malaysian society.
From the early 1980s, a series of Islamisation policies were initiated by the government of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed. These included the inculcating of Islamic values in government, reorientating Malaysia’s economic system to an Islamic one commencing with the establishment of the Islamic Bank and the Islamic Economic Foundation as well as clear policy shifts in matters pertaining to education and legal systems. The government further declared in 1987 that under the “National Culture Policy” other non-Malay cultures were accepted but such cultures could not be against the teachings of Islam. The following year the Dakwah foundation was set up to coordinate all dakwah (Islamic propagation) activities throughout the country. In all these efforts at islamisation the government and UMNO, the ruling Malay political party, were motivated mostly by a desire to surpass the Islamic Party, PAS, in their legitimacy quest for Malay-Muslim votes. (Hussin Mutalib, 1993, p. 32) The urgency of this essentially political quest is all the more pronounced today since PAS succeeded in forming the state government in Kelantan in 1990 bent on transforming the northern state into an Islamic state. Since the last general elections, PAS has seemingly extended its political hold over the Malay heartland to the north of Peninsular Malaysia and went on to form the state government in the eastern state of Trengganu.
All these developments culminated in the declaration by Prime Minister Mahathir in September 2001 at a political gathering that Malaysia is an Islamic state. To say that this ministerial statement has heightened uneasiness amongst non-Muslims in the country is an understatement and debate continues over whether Malaysia is a Secular or an Islamic State. The secular position is that although the Constitution provides that Islam is the religion of the Federation, the provision only means that the Government may use the Islamic form for the official purpose of rituals and ceremonies. Fundamental liberties including freedom of religion and non-discrimination on the grounds of religion are guaranteed under the Constitution. It is in essence a debate between those in favour of a democratic way of life as opposed to those who point to the fact that since Malaysia is under the authority or rule of an Islamic government it is therefore in effect a theocracy.
Whatever the outcome of the debate between those who oppose and those in favour of an Islamic state, it is observed that the policy of Islamisation and the inculcating of Islamic values thus far has resulted in the marginalisation of non-Islamic religions and signs of intolerance of non-Muslims (Catholic Asian News, March 2002, p.14). This in turn brings into question the existence of true religious freedom in multi-religious Malaysia. In spite of their religious differences but in response to the greater concern of Islam’s perceived domination over other religions and its political manifestation, leaders of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Sikhism agreed to come together to form the Malaysian Consultative Council For Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Sikhism (MCCBCHS) in 1983. The MCCBCHS is a representative body of the four major non-Muslim religions of Malaysia. In the Council, the Buddhists are represented by the Malaysian Buddhist Association, the Buddhist Missionary Society and the Sasana Abhiwurdi Wardhana Society; the Christians by the Christian Federation of Malaysia; the Hindus by the Malaysian Hindu Sangam, and the Sikhs by the Gurdawara Council of Malaysia and Khla Diwan Malaysia ( Chew, 2000, p 23).
In 1988 the MCCBCHS issued a Declaration On Freedom Of Religion Or Belief And On The Elimination Of Intolerance And Of Discrimination Based On Religion Or Belief in an attempt to halt the growing tendency to enact state laws which were deemed to be in contravention of the freedom of religion clause in the Federation Constitution. Thirteen years later the MCCBCHS is of the view that the situation has become worse. In January 2002 the same Declaration was re-launched to urge the Federal and all State Governments to respect the rights of every person to freedom of religion and recognise that Malaysia is constitutionally a secular State (Press Release, MCCBCHS, 31.01.02).
The stance adopted by the MCCBCHS in rejecting the description of Malaysia as an Islamic state also reflects the position taken by the Christian Church on this contentious issue. Nevertheless the Church must accept the reality that the absorption of Islamic values will continue, in the words of the government publication entitled “Malaysia Adalah Sebuat Negera Islam”, “until the goal of entrenching Islam into the nation’s system is full achieved” (Catholic Asian News, March 2002). In the light of serious implications, which such a policy of inculcating Islamic values holds for the future, the Church must now attend to the path to take in mission and evangelisation.
A new understanding of mission
Alongside the accelerated pace of Islamisation there has been a clear resolve on the part of the various Christian churches to work towards Christian unity. In 1985, representatives of the Catholic Church in Malaysia, the Council of Churches in Malaysia and the National Evangelical Christian Fellowship met and agreed that these three Christian bodies which represent more than 90 per cent of the Christian community in Malaysia would constitute the Christian Federation of Malaysia (CFM). The objectives of the CFM are “to bring together all Christians who accept the authority of the Holy Bible and who subscribe to the cardinal doctrines of Christianity as set forth in the Apostles’ Creed; to reinforce and extend, wherever possible, through dialogue and consultation, the common areas of agreement among the various Christian groups in the country; to look after the interests of the Christian community as a whole, with particular reference to religious freedom and rights as enshrined in the Federal Constitution; to represent the Christian community in Malaysia on all matters that affect or are of interest to it; and to consult and work with the government, and non-government bodies (religious or secular) at all administrative levels, on matters of common interest and concern” (The Malaysian Church In The 90s, CFM, 1992, p.3).
The creation of the CFM has brought a different dimension to Christian presence in Malaysia. A new way of thinking and acting as Christians has emerged. Amongst the leaders of the various Christian denominations there is commitment to joint action in order to protect the interests of the Christian community. To some extent the CFM has succeeded in being regarded by the government as the Christian voice in the country. Yet there is in a sense more administrative unity rather than real unity. Whilst the Second Vatican Council’s decree on Ecumenism, speaks in terms of the concern for restoring unity as one that involves the whole church, faithful and clergy alike (UR 5) the Malaysian reality is that the CFM has yet to succeed as a grassroots movement for real Christian unity involving every priest, congregation and lay member of the various Christian Churches.
Speaking at the closing address of the Fourth National Christian Conference, Archbishop Peter Chung of the Roman Catholic Church acknowledges:
“Division among us in past years have led to much unpleasant rivalry with abusive languages to the great detriment of our Christian faith…….. Unity among us may still be a long way off and doctrinal differences may continue to cause us pain for a long time.”
But even if the past should stand in the path of true ecumenism, Archbishop Chung urges that “nothing should stop us from working for true reconciliation and mutual recognition and love in the Lord”. He states the vision of the Christian Church in Malaysia as one of:
“……... a people of God constantly striving for internal unity with God and with each other and committed to the proclamation of God’s kingdom and to the work of evangelistion.”
The question that arises is how the Church understands the “proclamation of God’s kingdom” and “the work of evangelisation” given the legal constraints and the political and cultural realities arising from the government’s Islamisation policies and programmes.
To begin with a broad concept of evangelisation and the evangelising mission of the Church is necessary. Such a broad understanding may be appropriated from the Secretariat for Non-Christians’ 1984 document entitled “The Attitude of the Church towards the Followers of other Religions: Reflections and Orientations on Dialogue and Mission”. The document sees the evangelising mission of the Church as one that comprises the principal elements of presence of witness, commitment to social development and human liberation, liturgical life, prayer and contemplation, inter religious dialogue and finally proclamation and catechesis. Within this definition proclamation is only one albeit important constituent element of evangelisation.
In the contemporary Malaysian situation it is legally and politically almost impossible to proclaim Jesus Christ to those who do not know him especially amongst the Muslims. This understanding of evangelisation as being synonymous with proclamation leading to conversion can no longer be transported into the present context unlike the historical and colonial past. Today, resurgence in Islam particularly in its political expression and the simultaneous occurrence of religious revivalism in the other major religions all contribute to making the task of Christian witnessing with a view to proselytising extremely difficult. Respect for the other means that Christians take heed of the appeal to abandon evangelism as a policy in the Malaysian context such as that made by the Hindu representative at an inter religious meeting held in August 1985 (Batumalai, 1991, p.119).
These circumstances all point to ecumenical and inter religious dialogue as the practical direction to take for Christian mission and evangelisation now and in the future. The first steps have been taken with the formation of the CFM and MCCBCHS. The task ahead will be the further development of an emerging Malaysian theology of mission and evangelisation grounded in dialogue, collaboration and reconciliation. In the midst of rising racial and religious polarisation, Christians should strive to live amongst themselves and with their neighbours of other ethnic groups and religious beliefs in the Malaysian spirit of “muhibbah” (goodwill), Christian love and peace. This is the dialogue of life that the 1991 document published under the title “Dialogue & Proclamation: Reflections and Orientations on Inter religious Dialogue and the Proclamation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ" (hereafter DP) exhorts. The same document speaks also of the dialogue of action (DP 42). Like the prophets of the Old Testament, Christians together with Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims must have the will and courage to continue to speak out against religious discrimination and racial intolerance. In this dialogue of action, Christians and others collaborate to raise the dignity of the human person irrespective of race or creed and to create and sustain a just and fair society. Perhaps, too, there is particular need to break down barriers of isolationism raised in the past that separate Muslims from non-Muslims and to promote reconciliation, healing and greater dialogue between Muslims and non-Muslims in Malaysian society.
Conclusion
There is no doubt that Islamisation has had and will continue to have tremendous impact on the shape and direction of Christian mission and evangelisation. It is a situation that calls for ecumenical unity and inter religious dialogue. In the final analysis, the Christian Church is challenged to set aside a narrow ecclesiocentrism and to seek the missionary path oriented towards proclaiming the Reign of God. Christians may be surprised to find that this path leads them to the discovery of the active presence of the mystery of Jesus Christ beyond the visible boundaries of the Church and of the Christian fold (DP 50).
REFERENCES
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13. “The Malaysian Church in the 90s : Addresses, Papers, Homilies & Recommendations of the Fourth National Christian Conference”, Christian Federation of Malaysia, 1992.
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Maria Kana is a Malaysian lawyer and doctoral student at ACU McAuley School of Theology. Her current research is on the Church in Malaysia.
